Harvey Mars Legal Blog: PSA Organizing Drive

Here's an article that appeared in the August 22, 2010 Sunday Daily News regarding a private pay daycare center D.C. 1707, AFSCME is trying to get under union contract.

At the time of this article's publication I had just received a favorable Decision and Direction of Election from NLRB Region 2 holding that Head Teachers employed by PSA are not statutory supervisors exempt from coverage under the National Labor Relations Act.  PSA attempted to argue for an extension of the Kentucky River line of cases in which the U.S. Supreme Court held that charge nurses were exempt statutory supervisors incapable of unionizing.

Eight at Preschool of America West End Day Care Center gain a union, then lose jobs

Sunday, August 22nd 2010, 4:00 AM

When the Preschool of America West End Day Care Center employees decided to join a union, they say that JoAanna Fan, the preschool CEO, was perfectly clear:

"I will not negotiate a contract with the union," she told them. She went even further: She terminated eight workers after the Aug. 2 federal certified election won by the union. According to the fired workers, Fan alleged they were not dependable.

"I voted for the union and two days later I was terminated," said Anesia Lloyd, 21, who started working at the West End day care as an assistant teacher at 16. "She [Fan] told me before the election not to vote for the union, that she knew who I was and wanted to keep me, that I was good. She also said that no one would be fired. Nobody trusted her, but I never thought she would fire me three days after the election."

Lloyd said she enjoyed her work despite the meager pay and poor working conditions because she loved the kids. She was hired at $8.25 an hour, and five years later she was still making $10 and change. She worked nine hours a day, and even though she was supposed to have eight sick days per year, company policy allows only one sick day per month, she said.

"If you were sick two days in a row, they wouldn't pay you for the second day," Lloyd said. Longer illnesses could get you fired.

Employees of the West Side center held a protest on Thursday outside their West End Ave. workplace against what they think are illegal firings.

Preschool has 14 sites in Manhattan, Brooklyn and Queens. It is said to charge up to $2,000 a month per child.

"Representation elections are held daily across the nation without such dire actions," said Raglan George, the executive director of District Council 1707 AFSCME, the union that represents the employees after the election.

Firings began Aug. 5, and the union filed charges with the National Labor Relations Board. Employees had filed NLRB charges in June for harassment of pro-union workers. Federal labor law prohibits employers from harassing, threatening or firing workers for union activity.

In a statement signed by Mark Bresky, Preschool of America's general counsel, the day care denies any wrongdoing.

"The recent decisions by Preschool of America not to renew various expired employment agreements was carefully made following customary annual reviews and evaluations of its teachers and assistant teachers," the statement read in part. "We are confident that Preschool's recent decisions are not only lawful, but also in the best interests of its infants and preschoolers to whom Preschool remains committed."

On Sept. 7, the Lexington Ave. Preschool of America Day Care workers will also hold union elections.

"They have threatened to fire anybody who votes for the union," said Diana de Leon, a teacher at the Lexington Ave. facility who holds a B.A., in childhood education but makes only $10 an hour.

Two days after the West End election, Fan did something unusual: She visited the Lexington Ave. facility.

"She said she was very upset that we wanted to join a union," de Leon said. "But imagine, no raises for three or four years and a health plan so expensive that no one can afford it."

De Leon and all the employees we talked to were concerned about the impact the labor conflict could have on the children.

"What will happen with the children? And the parents?" De Leon asked.

aruiz@nydailynews.com

 

Harvey Mars Legal Blog: EFCA Now II

It’s the diamond anniversary of the National Labor Relations Act. Otherwise known as the Wagner Act, this bedrock legislation provides the foundation for modern labor management relations.

It’s now 75 years after its enactment, and the NLRA is a law labor practitioners often take for granted.

Lest we forget the vital importance of this law, now is the time to reflect on the protections afforded by it, the constitutional challenges its enactment faced and its future vitality.

Section 7 of the NLRA established the legal entitlement of employees to engage in organizing and concerted activity and protected that right by making it an unfair labor practice for employers to inhibit their right to do so.

The NLRA created the National Labor Relations Board and charged it with the duty to investigate and determine the legitimacy of unfair labor practices brought before it.

The NLRA created various remedies to be applied by the NLRB, including injunctive relief in the event that employers committed egregious unfair labor practices that poisoned the fair laboratory conditions the law requires for union elections and negotiations.

The NLRB is also responsible for conducting union elections and is required to determine challenges to election proceedings and issue certification orders in the event a union is elected as a bargaining unit’s representative.

The NLRA requires employers to collectively bargain in good faith and will issue bargaining orders in the event that it is not.

It is fair to say that without the NLRA, unions and collective bargaining would not exist in their present form in the United States.

The National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933, the precursor to the NLRA, guaranteed employees the right to organize and bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing without employer interference.

In exchange for permitting these guarantees, employers were allowed to form trade associations to create minimum prices and terms of fair competition without fear of violating Anti-Trust laws.

The NLRA and NIRA were part and parcel of President Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation.

The intent of that legislative initiative was to provide economic recovery from the Great Depression through a legislative program promoting government/industry cooperation.

However, like many pieces of progressive legislation codified at that time, the NLRA and NIRA faced severe constitutional challenges.

These challenges were best presented in the infamous 1935 Supreme Court decision, A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corporation v. United States, 295 U.S. 495.

In the Schechter decision, the Supreme Court invalidated provisions of the Live Poultry Code of Fair Competition on the ground that it violated the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution by improperly regulating "intra-state commerce."

Thus, the court held that in permitting the enactment of the Poultry Code, Congress had improperly encroached on individual states prerogatives.

Based on this decision, the American Liberty League argued against the constitutionality of these laws and advised employers that the NLRA and NIRA may be disregarded.

Opposition to the Recovery Act and the NLRA was so pronounced at the time that once President Roosevelt was re-elected to office in a landslide victory, he developed what’s now been coined the "court packing" plan to add members to the Supreme Court who would be much more sympathetic to his New Deal legislation.

(Roosevelt complained of the "nine old men" who comprised the court at the time.)

Not surprisingly, faced with being rendered irrelevant by the court packing plan, in 1937, the Supreme Court declared the NLRA to be constitutional in NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corporation, 301 U.S. 1.

In Jones & Laughlin, the court sustained the NLRB’s ability to issue an unfair labor practice complaint in face of the employer’s constitutional challenge to the NLRA.

This challenge had been sustained by the U.S. Court of Appeals of the Fifth Circuit.

The Supreme Court reversed and held that Congress in fact had the right to regulate commerce in as broad a fashion as necessary to prevent industrial conflict even though the effects on commerce may be indirect.

The court cited the effects of a 1919 steelworkers strike as an example of how a labor dispute can have a profound effect upon inter-state commerce.

This decision was a major victory for Roosevelt and his New Deal legislation.

The NLRA has been amended several times.

In 1947, the Taft-Hartley Act passed Congress and established unfair labor practice charge that may be brought against unions.

In 1959 the Landrum-Griffin Act was enacted to develop internal union obligations and reporting.

It is undeniable that the NLRA is the most important piece of legislation for participants in the labor movement.

However, on the eve of its 75th anniversary, we must also reflect upon the future of this historic law and the further refinements that are now necessary.

In appreciating the hard won victory in 1937 we should also move forward and push for the enactment of the Employee Free Choice Act.

Under the EFCA, employees may dispense with arcane election procedures codified in the NLRA and obtain union representation quicker through the streamlined card checking process. Without enactment of the EFCA, the goals intended for the NLRA may never be fully realized.

Harvey Mars is counsel to Local 802. Legal questions from members are welcome. E-mail them to JurMars566@aol.com. Harvey Mars’s previous articles in this series are archived at www.HarveyMarsAttorney.com. (Click on "Publications & Articles" from the top menu.) Nothing here or in previous articles should be construed as formal legal advice given in the context of an attorney-client relationship.

 

 

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